THE COUP BELT
Since 2020, a contiguous belt of Sahel states — Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Guinea, Chad — has fallen to military juntas. Each coup followed the same script: jihadist violence the elected government couldn't contain, soldiers seizing power promising security, then signing on Russian mercenaries after expelling French troops.
WHO IS JNIM
Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin — the Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims — formed in 2017 by merging four Sahelian jihadist factions under Iyad Ag Ghaly, a Tuareg notable who fought in Gaddafi's Islamic Legion. It pledges allegiance to al-Qaeda, not Islamic State, and has steadily out-competed its IS-Sahel rival across rural Mali and Burkina Faso.
THE TUAREG QUESTION
Northern Mali's Tuareg population launched four major rebellions since independence (1962, 1990, 2006, 2012), each ending in a peace accord the central government later abandoned. The 2012 rebellion briefly carved out the state of Azawad before jihadist groups absorbed the secular Tuareg movement — the same fusion now pressing on Bamako.
WAGNER, THEN AFRICA CORPS
After Prigozhin's 2023 death, the Kremlin folded Wagner's African operations into the GRU-controlled Africa Corps. The model stayed the same: regime protection in exchange for gold concessions and basing rights. Mali's Yatela and Sadiola gold mines became the de facto pay packet — a colonial extraction model with Russian flags instead of French ones.
WHY BAMAKO MATTERS
Sahel capitals have fallen to insurgencies before — Mogadishu in 1991, Monrovia in 1990 — but never to a jihadist coalition with territorial ambitions. A Bamako collapse would put a Salafist-Tuareg alliance in control of a 1.2 million km² country bordering seven states, including the Atlantic-facing Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire that have so far escaped the coup belt.